The persistence and peril of misinformation

Brian Southwell looks at how human brains verify information and discusses some of the challenges of battling widespread falsehoods

Misinformation — both deliberately promoted and accidentally shared — is perhaps an inevitable part of the world in which we live, but it is not a new problem. People likely have lied to one another for roughly as long as verbal communication has existed. Deceiving others can offer an apparent opportunity to gain strategic advantage, to motivate others to action, or even to protect interpersonal bonds. Moreover, people inadvertently have been sharing inaccurate information with one another for thousands of years. However, we currently live in an era in which technology enables information to reach large audiences distributed across the globe, and thus the potential for immediate and widespread effects from misinformation now looms larger than in the past. Yet the means to correct misinformation might, over time, be found in those same patterns of mass communication and of the facilitated spread of information. The main worry regarding misinformation is its potential to unduly influence attitudes and behavior, leading people to think and act differently than they would if they were correctly informed, as suggested by the research teams of Stephan Lewandowsky of the University of Bristol and Elizabeth Marsh of Duke University, among others. In other words, we worry that misinformation might lead people to hold misperceptions (or false beliefs) and that these misperceptions, especially when they occur among large groups of people, may have detrimental, downstream consequences for health, social harmony, and the political climate. At least three observations related to misinformation in the contemporary mass-media environment warrant the attention of researchers, policy makers, and really everyone who watches television, listens to the radio, or reads information online. First of all, people who encounter misinformation tend to believe it, at least initially. Secondly, electronic and print media often do not block many types of misinformation before it appears in content available to large audiences. Thirdly, countering misinformation once it has enjoyed wide exposure can be a resource-intensive effort. Knowing what happens when people initially encounter misinformation holds tremendous importance for estimating the potential for subsequent problems. Although it is fairly routine for individuals to come across information that is false, the question of exactly how—and when—we mentally label information as true or false has garnered philosophical debate. The dilemma is neatly summarized by a contrast between how the 17th-century philosophers René Descartes and Baruch Spinoza described human information engagement, with conflicting predictions that only recently have been empirically tested in robust ways. Descartes argued that a person only accepts or rejects information after considering its truth or falsehood; Spinoza argued that people accept all encountered information (or misinformation) by default and then subsequently verify or reject it through a separate cognitive process. In recent decades, empirical evidence from the research teams of Erik Asp of the University of Chicago and Daniel Gilbert at Harvard University, among others, has supported Spinoza's account: people appear to encode all new information as if it were true, even if only momentarily, and later tag the information as being either true or false, a pattern that seems consistent with the observation that mental resources for skepticism physically reside in a different part of the brain than the resources used in perceiving and encoding. What about our second observation that misinformation often can appear in electronic or print media without being preemptively blocked? In support of this, one might consider the nature of regulatory structures in the United States: regulatory agencies here tend to focus on post hoc detection of broadcast information. Organizations such as the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) offer considerable monitoring and notification functions, but these roles typically do not involve preemptive censoring. The FDA oversees direct-to-consumer prescription drug advertising, for example, and has developed mechanisms such as the 'Bad Ad' program, through which people can report advertising in apparent violation of FDA guidelines on drug risks. Such programs, although laudable and useful, do not keep false advertising off the airwaves. In addition, even misinformation that is successfully corrected can continue to affect attitudes. This leads us to our third observation: a campaign to correct misinformation, even if rhetorically compelling, requires resources and planning to accomplish necessary reach and frequency. For corrective campaigns to be persuasive, audiences need to be able to comprehend them, which requires either effort to frame messages in ways that are accessible or effort to educate and sensitize audiences to the possibility of misinformation. That some audiences might be unaware of the potential for misinformation also suggests the utility of media literacy efforts as early as elementary school. Even with journalists and scholars pointing to the phenomenon of 'fake news', people do not distinguish between demonstrably false stories and those based in fact when scanning and processing written information. We live at a time when widespread misinformation is common. Yet at this time many people also are passionately developing potential solutions and remedies. The journey forward undoubtedly will be a long and arduous one. Future remedies will require not only continued theoretical consideration but also the development and maintenance of consistent monitoring tools—and a recognition among fellow members of society that claims which find prominence in the media that are insufficiently based in scientific consensus and social reality should be countered. Misinformation arises as a result of human fallibility and human information needs. To overcome the worst effects of the phenomenon, we will need coordinated efforts over time, rather than any singular one-lime panacea we could hope to offer.

Questions 27-30

Choose the correct letter, A , B , C or D .

27. What point does the writer make about misinformation in the first paragraph?
28. What does the writer say about the role of technology?
29. What is the writer doing in the fourth paragraph?
30. What point does the writer make about regulation in the USA?
Questions 31-36

Complete the summary using the list of phrases, A-J , below.

Write  the correct letter, A- J, in  boxes 31-36 on your answer sheet.

A constant conflict
D experimental subjects G frequent exposure
J different ideas
B additional evidence
C different locations
E short period
F extreme distrust
H mental operation
I dubious reason


A. constant conflict
B. additional evidence
C. different locations
D. experimental subjects
E. short period
F. extreme distrust
G. frequent exposure
H. mental operation
I. dubious reason
J. different ideas
31. 31
31
32. 32
32
33. 33
33
34. 34
34
35. 35
35
36. 36
36
Questions 37-40

Do the following statements agree with the claims of the writer in Reading Passage 3? In boxes 37- 40 on your answer sheet, write

YES if the statement agrees with the claims of the writer

NO if the statement contradicts the claims of the writer

NOT GIVEN if it is impossible to say what the writer thinks about this

37. Campaigns designed to correct misinformation will fail to achieve their purpose if people are unable to understand them.
38. Attempts to teach elementary school students about misinformation have been opposed.
39. It may be possible to overcome the problem of misinformation in a relatively short period.
40. The need to keep up with new information is hugely exaggerated in today's world.
我的答案
27.
未作答
28.
未作答
29.
未作答
30.
未作答
正确答案
27.
D
28.
A
29.
C
30.
D
题目解析

题目:

在第1段中,关于错误信息,作者提出了什么观点?


选项:

A. 错误信息是一个相对较新的现象。

B. 有人认为识别错误信息很容易。

C. 错误信息从一个人传播给另一个人时会发生改变。

D. 错误信息的传播可能原因众多。


分析步骤:

1.定位段落:题目明确要求分析第1段,需聚焦该段内容。

2.概括主旨:作者在第1段的核心观点是什么?

3.逐项验证:对比选项与原文表述,排除干扰项。


选项解析:

选项 A

•内容:错误信息是较新现象。

•原文依据:作者明确说错误信息"not a new problem"(并非新问题)。

•结论:与原文直接矛盾("relatively recent" vs "not new"),排除。

选项 B

•内容:有人认为识别错误信息很容易。

•原文依据:第1段未提及"识别错误信息的难易度"。

•结论:无支持,排除。

选项 C

•内容:错误信息在传播中会改变。

•原文依据:第1段讨论传播的动机(为何欺骗),而非信息变形。

•结论:偏离主旨,排除。

选项 D

•内容:错误信息传播有多种原因。

•原文依据:作者列举欺骗的动机:"an apparent opportunity..."(利益机会);"to motivate others..."(激励他人);"to protect interpersonal bonds"(维护人际关系)。这些对应"a number of reasons"(多种原因)。

•结论:完全匹配,正确。

题目要求:

我们需要找出作者对"技术(technology)在错误信息传播中扮演的角色"的观点。


原文关键信息提取:

1.负面影响:技术的发展使错误信息的影响力比过去更大。

2.正面潜力:通过转折词"Yet"引出:大众传播模式和便利的信息传播方式中,可能蕴含着纠正错误信息的手段("the means to correct...be found in...")。


选项分析:

选项A:

•内容:技术可能在未来提供解决错误信息的方案。

•对应原文:作者提到技术可能蕴含纠正错误信息的手段("the means to correct"),即技术本身也可能是解决方案的来源。

•匹配度:完全符合。

选项B:

•内容:技术能从根本上改变人们看待信息的方式。

•原文对比:未提及"改变认知方式",仅讨论技术对信息传播和纠正的影响。

•结论:无支持,排除。

选项C:

•内容:技术改变了组织使用错误信息的方式。

•原文对比:未提及"组织行为的变化"。

•结论:无关,排除。

选项D:

•内容:技术使人们更容易验证信息准确性。

•原文对比:虽然提到"纠正手段",但未明确说明"公众自查信息的便利性"。

•结论:过度引申,排除。


排除法总结:

•B/C/D:均未直接对应原文核心观点(技术的双刃剑作用,尤其是解决问题的潜力)。

•A:精准概括作者转折后的核心论点——技术可能蕴含解决方案。


最终答案:A


题目分析:在第4段中,作者在做什么?


题目要求:

我们需要分析第4段中作者的写作意图或段落功能。

原文段落结构分析(第4段):

1.段落开头:提到研究人员、决策者等应关注"三个观察结果"(three observations)。使用"warrant the attention"(值得关注)强调其重要性。

2.段落主体:通过"First of all... Secondly... Thirdly..."逐一列出这三个观察结果。

3.上下文关系:第3段:提出关于错误信息的"主要担忧"(main worry)。第4段:承接上文的"担忧",指出需要关注的三个具体问题(观察结果)。第5-7段:分别详细解释这三个观察结果。


选项解析:

选项A:比较人们对错误信息的不同看法。

•原文对比:第4段未提及"不同人群的观点对比"。

•结论:无关,排除。

选项B:解释错误信息的影响如何随时间变化。

•原文对比:未涉及"时间维度"或"历史变化"。

•结论:无支持,排除。

选项C:概述当今哪些与错误信息相关的问题重要。

•对应原文:"three observations"是当前需要关注的核心问题。"warrant the attention"直接对应"are significant"(重要)。段落功能是承上(main worry)启下(具体分析)。

•结论:完全匹配,正确。

选项D:描述决策者对媒体错误信息的态度。

•原文对比:仅提到决策者"应关注"这些问题,未描述其态度。

•结论:片面,排除。


排除法总结:

•A/B/D:均未抓住段落核心(列出重要问题)。

•C:精准概括段落功能——提出当前重要的错误信息相关问题。


最终答案:C


题目分析:关于美国的监管机构,作者有什么看法?


题目要求:

我们需要找出作者对美国监管机构(如FDA)在错误信息管理方面的具体观点。

原文关键信息提取:

1.核心观点(段落主旨):错误信息常未经预先阻截("without being preemptively blocked")就出现在媒体中。

2.美国监管机构的例子:美国监管体系(如FDA)不进行预防性审查("not involve preemptive censoring"),而是事后检测("focus on post hoc detection")。

3.作者结论:这种监管方式无法阻止虚假广告出现在电视广播中("do not keep false advertising off the airwaves")。


选项解析:

选项A:FDA发布的指南需要简化。

•原文对比:未提及"指南简化"或FDA的行政流程问题。

•结论:无关,排除。

选项B:监管没有影响人们对新处方药的看法。

•原文对比:讨论重点是监管对错误信息传播的防控效果,而非公众对药物的认知。

•结论:偏离主题,排除。

选项C:美国的监管机构比大多数国家都多。

•原文对比:未比较各国监管机构数量。

•结论:无依据,排除。

选项D:监管不能防止媒体上出现错误信息。

•对应原文:"do not keep false advertising off the airwaves"(无法阻止虚假广告出现在媒体中)→ 直接对应"fails to prevent misinformation in the media"。全文主旨强调监管的事后性缺陷(无法预先阻断错误信息)。

•结论:完全匹配,正确。


排除法总结:

•A/B/C:均未涉及作者的核心批评(监管对错误信息的防控失效)。

•D:精准抓住作者观点——监管体系无法阻止错误信息在媒体传播。


最终答案:D



正确
错误
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